“But I said, honey, who’s gonna buy them? At that time we just didn’t
“My wife told me to sell the boats,” says Brad Pettinger, a longtime trawl fisherman in the Pacific Northwest. The Canisius acceptance comes with a scholarship from New York’s Higher Education Opportunity Program.
And he certain never imagined that he could afford it.īut when I met Hennings earlier this month, he had already been accepted to one SUNY college in Buffalo and another farther north, and was waiting to hear from SUNY’s University at Buffalo and fromĬanisius, a Jesuit college there with a strong health sciences program (Hennings wants to become an occupational therapist). He’s also waiting to see if
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“I didn’t understand how to apply” to private school, or even to the State University of New York system “I never thought I’d get accepted to a private school,” he said. He assumed that he would go somewhere in the City University of New York system - probably York College, which was in the neighborhood, or a CUNY community college. “My mom and my family always said go and become someone,” he said. When Shane Hennings was starting his junior year at Jamaica Gateway to the Sciences High School in Queens, he knew he would go to college even though no one in hisįamily had gone. Either way, we’re experiencing something very different from the usual midterm election.Fixes looks at solutions to social problems and why they work.
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If you can - a good example of when the party out of power achieved the most significant policy change of a president’s first term - feel free to send us an email at some readers will come up with a helpful analogy. I can’t think of an equivalent precedent for anything like this.
Wade and fulfilled a half-century-long political goal of the conservative movement. Bush - have sometimes avoided a rout, even if their parties lost seats.īut this cycle, it’s the Republicans who achieved one of their most important policy objectives - the equivalent of the Great Society or Obamacare - when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. It may also help explain why presidents with less ambitious plans or accomplishments - like Jimmy Carter or George H.W. The theory helps explain why some of the worst midterm drubbings come after a president pushes an ambitious agenda - like the Republican landslides after Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, Bill Clinton’s health care push, or the enactment of the Affordable Care Act under Barack Obama. It’s related to the idea that public opinion is something like a thermostat, in which the public moves to turn down the heat when policy runs too hot in either direction. In this account, presidents don’t simply lose because it’s a referendum they lose because a crucial segment of the public wants to moderate the direction of public policy. The electorate’s instinct to check-and-balance the president is another underlying explanation for the midterm penalty. It led them far from the classic “check-and-balance” midterms message, in which a challenger promises to work with the president where they agree but block the excesses of his agenda. Republican candidates spent the primary season focused on earning the support of Trump and his supporters, rather than focused on Biden. He has made it less likely that Republican candidates will even try to make the midterms into a referendum. Trump doesn’t just make it harder for Republicans to make the midterms into a referendum. The emergence of “democracy” as one of the more important issues in the election is almost entirely a function of his presence, whether it’s by promoting “stop the steal” sentiments, endorsing candidates on the right, or fanning fears of election subversion and political violence. Google search interest is a rough proxy for something that’s hard to dispute: Trump looms over this campaign in countless ways, often distracting the news media, candidates and voters from Biden.
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